Oeleebalang

The Oeleebalang — also written Uleëbalang, Uleebalang — was the Atjèhse territorial chief or district head, the principal Atjèhse administrative institution of the [[Sultanate of Aceh|Sultanate of Atjèh] and of the post-Dutch-conquest Atjèhse administration. The oeleebalang was the chief of a mukim (the Atjèhse territorial unit) or of a group of mukims, and exercised in his territory the principal administrative, judicial, and fiscal functions. The institution was, with the Sultan and the religious leaders (teungkus), one of the three principal Atjèhse political institutions, and its relative power — vis-à-vis the Sultan — was, in the Snouck Hurgronje diagnosis, one of the principal causes of the decline of the Sultanate.

The Office

The oeleebalang was the chief of a mukim (the Atjèhse territorial unit) or of a group of mukims, and exercised in his territory the principal administrative, judicial, and fiscal functions. The office was hereditary in the oeleebalang family, but the confirmation of the succession was, in the pre-Dutch period, in the gift of the Sultan; in the post-Dutch-conquest period, it was in the gift of the Dutch administration. The oeleebalang was responsible for the collection of the taxes, the maintenance of the peace, the administration of justice, and — in the pre-Dutch period — the construction and maintenance of the irrigation works.

The Pre-Dutch Irrigation Functions

In the pre-Dutch period, the construction of irrigation works was, in the Atjeh-Instituut brochure’s account, done “in betaalden of onbetaalden gedwongen arbeid der bevolking, al naar gelang een oeléébalang over voldoende geldmiddelen kon beschikken of niet, om in dit laatste geval een bron van inkomsten te verkrijgen.” (in paid or unpaid forced labour of the population, according as an oeleebalang had sufficient money means or not, to obtain in this latter case a source of income.) When users made use of the water from such a loeëng (irrigation channel), they had to — according as they had sown — annually after the harvest pay the same sown quantity of padi in kind to the constructor of the irrigation work. The execution of irrigation works, also in paid labour, was for the oeleebalangs an important source of income.

The Decline of the Sultanate

It is also known, the Atjeh-Instituut brochure notes, how the Atjèhse Sultanate — bearer of the wealth built on the pepercultuur — gradually declined in significance, “doordat de volkshoofden steeds grooter macht ontwikkelden en verschillende onderhoorigheden zich losscheurden.” (because the popular chiefs developed ever greater power and various dependencies tore themselves loose.) The oeleebalangs were the principal “popular chiefs” whose growing power, vis-à-vis the Sultan, was the principal cause of the decline of the Sultanate. The Snouck Hurgronje diagnosis of the Atjèh-oorlog would, in the Verslag of 23 May 23 May 1892, take account of the relative power of the oeleebalang in the prescription of the three principal rules (Keumala to be left alone; the actively hostile party — the bands organised by oelama’s and adventurers — to be beaten; trust to be restored by promoting agriculture, industry, and trade).

The Keudjroen-loeëng

The oeleebalang was, in the pre-Dutch period, the appointing authority for the keudjroen-loeëng — the Atjèhse irrigation official charged with the supervision of the irrigation water distribution. The revival of the office of keudjroen-loeëng in the post-war period — recommended by the Atjeh-Instituut brochure of 1923 — was, in Pidië, the rice-land par excellence, to be done by the appointment of younger brothers or close relatives of landscape-heads (i.e. of oeleebalangs) to the office.

Significance

The oeleebalang is the principal Atjèhse territorial chief or district head, and the principal Atjèhse administrative institution of the [[Sultanate of Aceh|Sultanate of Atjèh] and of the post-Dutch-conquest Atjèhse administration. The office — hereditary in the oeleebalang family, with confirmation in the gift of the Sultan (pre-Dutch) or of the Dutch administration (post-Dutch) — was the principal vehicle of Atjèhse local administration, and the oeleebalang’s growing power, vis-à-vis the Sultan, was the principal cause of the decline of the Sultanate.

Account from De onderwerping van Atjeh (Van Heutsz, 1893) and the Zelfbestuursverordeningen (1930) — the oeleebalang as Zelfbestuurder

Van Heutsz’s 1893 tract and the 1930 compilation together document the oeleebalang’s transformation from the precolonial territorial chief of a negeri / landschap into the Zelfbestuurder of the Dutch colonial system of indirect rule in Atjeh en Onderhoorigheden. Van Heutsz — writing in 1893, before the Zelfbestuur system had been imposed on Atjeh — uses the spelling hoeloebalang and treats the office in two distinct senses: as the chief of a small coastal landschap (e.g. the hoeloebalang of Pedir, the hoeloebalang of Gighen, the hoeloebalang of Samalanga), and as the chief of a sub-federation within the Sagi federations of Groot-Atjeh (e.g. the hoeloebalang of the VII Moekims, the hoeloebalang of the IX Moekims, the hoeloebalang of the VI Moekims). Both senses reflect the underlying political reality: the oeleebalang was the territorial chief of any unit — small coastal statelet or sub-federation of mukims — whose authority rested on a combination of hereditary right, customary law (adat), and the allegiance of the anak negeri (the native subjects of the landschap).

Hereditary character and the geschiktheid requirement

Van Heutsz records the dynastic character of the office:

“het sedert onheuglijke tijden te Atjeh de gewoonte is, dat het bestuur in dezelfde familie erfelijk blijft en dit niet alleen wordt toegepast op hoeloe- zooals de Makota alam voorschrijft balangs sagi, maar ook op grootere en kleinere moekimhoofden, zelfs op Ketjiq’s van kampongs”.

— “since time immemorial it has been the custom in Atjeh that the government remains hereditary in the same family, and this is applied not only to the hoeloebalangs sagi, as the Makota alam prescribes, but also to larger and smaller moekimhoofden, even to the ketjiq’s of kampongs.” The hereditary principle was, however, qualified by the requirement of geschiktheid (fitness): “toch wordt er altijd uit de familieleden gekozen en worden idioten uitgesloten” — yet always the choice falls on family members, and idiots are excluded.

The precolonial origins: the Panglima Polim lineage

Van Heutsz traces the Panglima Polim lineage — the panglima sagi of the XXII Moekims — to its putative foundation by Sultan Said II Moekamil Inajat Sjah (Marhoem Kahar), c. 1530:

“Volgens Atjehsche overleveringen zond hij n.l. zijne Abyssinische slavin tijdens hare zwangerschap naar de bovenstreken en stelde hij later den daar uit haar geboren zoon onder den titel Panglima Polim Sri Moeda Perkasa aan tot hoofd over de 4 Imams”.

— “According to Atjehsche traditions, he sent his Abyssinian slave-woman, during her pregnancy, to the upper regions, and later appointed the son born of her there, under the title Panglima Polim Sri Moeda Perkasa, as head over the 4 Imams.” The hoeloebalang office was, in this account, an institution of the Acehnese sultanate itself — the territorial chief through whom the sultan’s authority was mediated into the mukims and negeris of the realm. Van Heutsz cites van Langen’s Inrichting van het Atjehsche staatsbestuur onder het sultanaat for the constitutional theory: “bij de instelling der sagi’s over de sagi der XXII Moekims werd aangesteld een bij eene Abyssinische slavin verwekte zoon van Sultan Iskandar Moeda onder den titel van Panglima Polim Moeda Sertia Perkasa”. The hoeloebalang — the panglima sagi, the panglima prang, the panglima Mesdjid Raja — were thus, in the precolonial constitutional order, the territorial and military chiefs of the sultanate, exercising delegated sultanate authority over the mukims and negeris.

The 18 artikelen and the pre-Korte Verklaring subordination

The 18 artikelen — the beëdigde eighteen articles by which the coastal hoeloebalang of the Onderhoorigheden had acknowledged Dutch sovereignty in the early 1870s — were, in Van Heutsz’s 1893 narrative, the immediate political instrument through which the hoeloebalang were bound to the colonial state in the pre-Korte Verklaring period. Van Heutsz records Scherer’s diagnosis: “Er moest daarom, zegt Scherer, een middel gevonden worden, dat de hoofden van de verschillende staatjes dwong tot trouwe nakoming van de bezworen beëedigde 18 artikelen” — “There had to be, says Scherer, a means found, that would force the chiefs of the various statelets to faithful compliance with the sworn sworn-in 18 articles.” The oeleebalang’s later power to issue verordeningen with Dutch approval was, in this sense, the operational continuation of the 18 artikelen’s political subordination: where the 18 artikelen bound the hoeloebalang to the colonial state in form, the goedkeuring requirement on the Zelfbestuursverordeningen bound him in operational practice.

The Zelfbestuur system: the Korte Verklaring and the collective vaststelling

Under the Dutch Zelfbestuur system imposed on Atjeh after the pacification, the oeleebalang was the office-holder through whom the colonial state governed Atjeh by indirect rule. The colonial state, by the Korte Verklaring, recognised the oeleebalang’s authority and bound him to the colonial state; the oeleebalang, in turn, exercised his authority as Zelfbestuurder under the supervisory powers the Korte Verklaring conferred. The Nota van Toelichting on the inkomstenbelasting regeling (Reg. No. 9b of the 1930 compilation) makes the constitutional logic explicit:

“Al moge de onderworpenheid van het Atjehsche Zelfbestuur aan het Europeesche gezag in het algemeen reeds uit de Korte Verklaringen voortvloeien”.

— “Although the subordination of the Atjehsche Zelfbestuur to the European authority may in general already flow from the Korte Verklaringen”. The oeleebalang thus exercised his authority under — and was subordinated to the colonial state through — the Korte Verklaring that bound him.

The collective-vaststelling practice of the Atjehsche regulations operationalised the oeleebalang’s authority as Zelfbestuurder. The Voorwoord of the 1930 compilation records that “de vaststelling van ver-ordeningen in het gewest Atjeh en Onderhoorigheden steeds collectief geschiedt” — the establishment of ordinances in the gewest Atjeh en Onderhoorigheden always takes place collectively — meaning that all oeleebalang of an onderafdeeling issued their regulations jointly. Every regulation in the compilation is issued in the name of “Kami Oeleebalang …” — “We, the oeleebalang of …”. The corporate-collective signatory formula is fixed in the bilingual title-pages: in Malay “Kami Oeleebalang dari Landschap: …”; in Dutch “De Zelfbesturen van de landschappen: …”. The three oeleebalang of Lhoksoekon — Keureutoë, Hakim Kroeeng Peutoë, and Matang Koeli — jointly issued Reg. No. 1 (the woeker-regulation of 9 December 1926); the two oeleebalang of the Alaslanden — Kedjoerön Batoe Mboelan and Kedjoerön Bambel — jointly issued Reg. No. 5 (the slachtpadjak of 1 March 1914); the eight oeleebalang of Idi jointly issued Reg. No. 11 (the gevaarlijke lectuur regulation of 15 November 1924); the ten oeleebalang of the onderafdeeling Meulaboh jointly issued Reg. No. 19 (the tjemara-tree regulation of 2 July 1917).

Powers to issue verordeningen with Dutch approval

The oeleebalang’s power to issue verordeningen was conferred by the Zelfbestuursregelen 1919 (Staatsblad 1919 No. 822) and the Zelfbestuursregelen 1927, and was exercised under the goedkeuring (approval) of the Civiel en Militair Gouverneur. Every regulation in the 1930 compilation is issued in the name of the oeleebalang of the onderafdeeling, recites the statutory basis (“Gelet op de zelfbestuursregelen 1919 (Staatsblad No. 822)”), and carries the printed note of the Gouverneur’s goedkeuring: “(goedgekeurd door den Gouverneur van Atjeh en Onderhoorigheden op …)”. The oeleebalang’s substantive powers under the regulations extended to the full range of fiscal, police, agricultural, and administrative measures the colonial state desired: the Pantjang Alas tax (Reg. No. 2, the oeleebalang of Meulaboh, 5 April 1912); the slachtpadjak on cattle, buffaloes, and tame pigs (Reg. No. 5, the oeleebalang of Alaslanden, 1 March 1914); the inkomstenbelasting on non-Gouvernements-onderdanen (Reg. No. 9a, the oeleebalang of Peureula’, 20 December 1920); the heerendienst (corvée) regulation (Reg. No. 14, the oeleebalang of Bireuën — Samalanga, Peusangan, and Gloempang-doea — 18 August 1928).

Significance of the Van Heutsz and Zelfbestuursverordeningen account

The oeleebalang’s significance in the Aceh Wiki History record, in the Van Heutsz / Zelfbestuursverordeningen perspective, rests on four things: it was the territorial chief of a negeri / landschap — the political unit the colonial state recognised as the basic unit of native government — whose authority rested, in the precolonial constitutional order, on a combination of hereditary right, customary law, and the allegiance of the anak negeri; it was the office whose precolonial origins Van Heutsz traces to the Acehnese sultanate itself — the territorial chief through whom the sultan’s authority was mediated into the mukims and negeris of the realm; it was the office through whom the Dutch colonial state governed Atjeh by indirect rule after the pacification — the Zelfbestuurder bound to the colonial state by the Korte Verklaring, exercising his authority under the supervisory powers the Korte Verklaring conferred; and it was the office whose collective-vaststelling practice — under which all oeleebalang of an onderafdeeling issued their regulations jointly, and whose verordeningen were extended to all other onderafdeelingen through comparative tables of Gelijke Verordeningen — preserved, throughout the 1910s and 1920s, the operational expression of the Zelfbestuur’s collective authority. The oeleebalang is, in this sense, the central political figure of the 1930 Zelfbestuursverordeningen compilation — the office-holder whose name appears on every regulation, whose authority the Korte Verklaring bound to the colonial state, and whose verordeningen the goedkeuring of the Civiel en Militair Gouverneur brought into force.

The office and its revenues

The oelèëbalangs drew customary incomes from their territories and were, before the reforms, the providers of the pangkal — the advances to pepper planters. When in 1908 the administration began to give pepper advances directly to the planters, the Koloniaal Verslag noted: “the chiefs will give no co-operation, because they see their private interests harmed by those advances; they were formerly the providers of advances.” — “One feels it: that the chiefs would not let be taken from them.”

Under Van Daalen

Under Van Daalen the chiefs’ incomes were cut for years by withholdings, and the boete-systeem — the system of fines — with the unsparing collection of those fines by force “hadden produced nothing but hatred, contempt and resistance.” Snouck Hurgronje had warned in 1903 that Van Daalen had “a deeply rooted contempt for everything that is native,” expressed among other things in “the ridiculous demands of marks of respect that he made upon chiefs as well as upon inferiors. Of intercourse with chiefs there was no question: after making the knee-kiss they had to listen to orders or answer questions standing.”

Swart’s policy

At Lho’ Seumawè in 1908 Swart told the assembled oelèëbalangs of the eastern part of the province that what in his opinion had been wrongly withheld would be returned at once and without more ado; what had rightly been imposed he regarded as a security for good conduct, returnable after a year or more of good behaviour, and otherwise irrevocably forfeit. It was at that meeting that one of the chiefs answered: “not only are there evildoers everywhere, but we ourselves are evildoers too!”

Swart’s principle was double: “whoever wishes to govern well must see to it that the chiefs place complete confidence in the administrator, but that at the same time they hold him in awe. They must know that they cannot play with him and can never break their word to him — and therefore never dare to. But that administrator must also give them what they need, and above all support.”

He also required outward propriety: at a halt in Pidië he refused to receive an oelèëbalang who was not properly dressed and who showed a deficiency of hormat, sending him away with “on the return journey, when I come by again, you may pay your respects” — to the astonishment of Liefrinck, who had not even noticed. Relatively few chiefs had to be removed from their functions; against many Swart had to intervene, but he gave them a probationary period.

The oelèëbalangs were supported and gradually returned to their gampongs; the withheld incomes and the securities wrongly deposited in the wegenfonds were repaid; rice, seed-padi and advances for the purchase of plough cattle were supplied.

In administration and justice

Justice in Atjeh was administered by the chiefs under the direction of the civil officials and gezaghebbers in the Moesapat, with a Muhammadan adviser. Snouck Hurgronje criticised the practice by which sentences were often composed entirely by the civil administrator and “not seldom sealed or signed by the chiefs entirely against their own view.”

After 1910 the police functions passed more and more to the chiefs. Women and children of uitgewekenen found by patrols were to be handed over to the administrative official or to the oelèëbalang; the chiefs were always to be treated “met onderscheiding.”

In education

Jongejans noted that little could be achieved for boys’ education without the vigorous support of the oelèëbalang, and still more so for girls’ education: “many schools, particularly in the countryside, stand or fall with the support of the territorial chief, without whose encouragement or evident appreciation the majority of parents would not think of giving their children any education other than the old tried religious instruction.”

The new generation

In December 1916 the Sarekat Atjeh was founded at Koeta Radja by progressive young oelèëbalangs and Acehnese officials who wished to modify outdated adat usages and promote the raising of the Acehnese woman and both secular and religious education; the young oelèëbalang of Peureula’ was elected chairman and the very conservative oelèëbalang of Keumangan honorary chairman.

Swart said in 1914 that he expected much of the younger chiefs, then trained at Bandoeng or Fort de Kock, since “the old territorial chiefs, who had lived through the long struggle, gradually disappeared.”

Significance (du Croo, 1943)

The oelèëbalang was the institution on which the whole of Swart’s pacification turned. Du Croo’s judgement was that “because Swart was able in so complete a manner to win the confidence both of the adat chiefs and of the simple gampong man, the Acehnese also attached himself personally to Swart,” and through that the chiefs and the population were brought to trust the Dutch administration.

Account in Hooijer’s De verlaten posten in Groot-Atjeh (1897)

An oeleebalang was a territorial chief of Atjeh, head of a moekim or group of moekims, and the class of person on whose cooperation Dutch alliance policy in Groot-Atjeh between 1893 and 1896 depended.

The oeleebalangs of Hooijer’s narrative

G. B. Hooijer applied the term explicitly to Toekoe Tjoet, oeleebalang der XIII Moekims Toengkoeb, and to the pro-Dutch oeleebalang of Samalanga, an opponent of whom crossed to Groot-Atjeh with two hundred followers to join Mad Amin. The same class comprised Toekoe Nja Banta, head of the sagi of the XXVI Moekims; T. Nek van Marassa; Toekoe Nja Mohammad, head of the IX Moekims; Toekoe Moeda Baid, head of the VII Moekims; and Toekoe Moeda Soleiman, guardian of the young Panglima Polim of the XXII Moekims.

Dutch management of the class

Hooijer’s narrative records the whole repertoire of Dutch measures: the grant of bezoldiging (salary) on condition of neutrality, as General‑Major Van Teyn granted to Toekoe Tjoet; the supply of rifles and powder, as authorised for Nja Banta on 1 September 1893; the concession of trading privileges, as the shipping of pepper from the bay of Kroeng Raja granted to Toekoe Moeda Soleiman; banishment as a lesson, as of Toekoe Tjoet to Malaboeh and of Toekoe Moeda Baid by General van der Heijden; and recall and rehabilitation when the population would not remain without its chief.

Hooijer’s assessment of the results was consistently sceptical: the fighters of Nja Banta were reproached with effeminacy for carrying handkerchiefs; Toekoe Tjoet withheld from his men the pay he received for them; a member of the sultan’s family said of him hij bleef een aap, die nog niet getemd is; and of Toekoe Moeda Baid he wrote that hij was een vriend, voor wien men moest oppassen.

Account from Land en Volk van Atjeh Vroeger en Nu

Acehnese hereditary chief. In the first phase of the war the oelèëbalangs were the undisputed lords of the land (the Sultanate had little influence); popular favour toward them was a life-or-death matter. In the second phase (after war) the Kompeuni took over security. In the third (modern) phase the old chiefs remain at their old stance, younger chiefs have little influence and less capability. Served as sole-sprechend judge in the landschapsgerecht.

Source: J. Jongejans, Land en Volk van Atjeh Vroeger en Nu (Baarn: Hollandia Drukkerij N.V., c. 1938), pp. 335, 341, 351, 354, 357, 369, 389.

Sources

The Achehnese, Vol. I, by Dr. C. Snouck Hurgronje, translated by A.W.S. O’Sullivan, indexed by R.J. Wilkinson. Leyden: E.J. Brill, 1906. Chapter I, §§ 7–9, pp. 88–193.

De Buitenbezittingen, Deel II, Aflevering 2: Atjeh en Onderhoorigheden, bewerkt door het Encyclopaedisch Bureau, Mededeelingen van het Bureau voor de Bestuurszaken der Buitenbezittingen (Weltevreden: Landsdrukkerij, 1917), pp. 44–46. Citing C. Snouck Hurgronje, De Atjehers, Vol. I, pp. 91 e.v., 94.

Atjèh. Algemeen samenvattend overzicht van land en volk van Atjèh en onderhoorigheden, door J. Kreemer, Archivaris van het Atjèh Instituut. Tweede Deel. Leiden: N.V. Boekhandel en Drukkerij voorheen E.J. Brill, 1923. Identifier: Delpher MMKB02B:000001798; PPN 395084288. Koninklijke Bibliotheek.

Nederlanders over de Zeeën: 350 Jaar geschiedenis van Nederland buitengaats, onder redactie van Dr. H. J. de Graaf, met medewerking van Prof. G. Gonggrijp, W. R. Menkman en Prof. Jhr Dr P. J. van Winter, 2e geheel herziene druk (Utrecht: W. de Haan N.V., MCMLV), p. 217. ATJEH ‘96, door A. Kruisheer, Kapitein der Infanterie O.I.L., met 2 kaarten en 4 portretten (Weltevreden: N.V. Boekhandel Visser & Co, 1913). Instituut Kern, Leiden. OCR-filename: 20260715_163243_DLP-89-Atjeh_96_Met_2_kaarten_en4_DOORA_KRUISHEER_Kapiteinder_Infanterie_nemoretriever-ocr-v1_OCR.txt, pp. 20, 22, 26, 186, 230–231, 267, 296, 319, 342, 344, 348.

De Rijkdom van Atjeh, uitgegeven door het Atjeh-Instituut, Amsterdam, 1923. OCR-filename: 20260718_105749_DLP-110-De_rijkdom_van_Atjeh_Nemotron-OCR-v2_OCR.txt, pp. 8, 14.

De onderwerping van Atjeh, door J. B. van Heutsz, Majoor der Infanterie, gewezen Chef van den Staf in Atjeh en Onderhoorigheden. ‘s-Gravenhage: De Gebroeders van Cleef; Batavia: G. Kolff en Co., 1893, esp. pp. 14, 17, 21–23, 25, 37, 47–49, 86–88, 99–100. OCR-filename: 20260718_105749_DLP-107-De_onderwerping_van_Atjeh_Nemotron-OCR-v2_OCR.txt.

Zelfbestuursverordeningen Atjeh en Onderhoorigheden. Serie A No. 9 of the Mededeelingen van de Afdeeling Bestuurszaken der Buitengewesen van het Departement van Binnenlandsch Bestuur. Weltevreden: Landsdrukkerij, 1930, regulations passim (Regs. Nos. 1, 2, 5, 9a, 9b, 11, 14, 19, and Voorwoord on the collective-vaststelling practice). OCR-filename: 20260719_030404_DLP-112-Zelfbestuursverordeningen_Atjeh_en_onderhoorigheden_Nemotron-OCR-v2_OCR.txt.

Generaal Swart, Pacificator van Atjeh (“General Swart, Pacifier of Atjeh”), by M. H. du Croo, Colonel K.N.I.L. (retired), with the collaboration of H. J. Schmidt, Titular Colonel K.N.I.L. (retired), with a foreword by His Excellency Lieutenant-General K.N.I.L. (retired) G. K. Dijkstra (Maastricht: N.V. Leiter-Nypels, 1943), Chapter IV, p. 23; Chapter VIII, pp. 81–82; Chapter IX, pp. 90–92; Chapter XI, p. 103; Chapter XIII, pp. 132–135.

De verlaten posten in Groot-Atjeh, door G. B. Hooijer, Gep. Luit.-Kolonel O. I. Leger, met 24 platen (Haarlem: De Erven F. Bohn; Batavia: G. Kolff & Co., 1897). Koninklijk Instituut voor de Tropen, Centrale Boekerij, Amsterdam. OCR-filename: 20260719_140140_DLP-134-De_verlaten_posten_in_Groot_Atjeh_Nemotron-OCR-v2_OCR.txt, pp. 16, 24, 32, 50.

Acknowledgement of sources. This article is a single consolidated account combining the material previously held in this entry with the account given in De verlaten posten in Groot-Atjeh (1897) by G. B. Hooijer. Dutch terminology has been rendered in English, the original Dutch being retained only in direct quotations and in bibliographic citations.

Land en Volk van Atjeh Vroeger en Nu, by J. Jongejans, Oud-Resident van het Gewest Atjeh en Onderhoorigheden, with a foreword by Dr. H. Colijn (Baarn: Hollandia Drukkerij N.V., c. 1938), pp. 335, 341, 351, 354, 357, 369, 389.

tags	concept, acehnese, administrative, traditional-institution, sultanate, aceh, 19th-century, 20th-century, oeleebalang, keudjroen-loeeng, atjeh, zelfbestuur, colonial, traditional-office, achehnese, adat, institution, governance, nobility, government, military, sovereignty, acheh, territorial, chief, diplomacy, administration, aceh-war
aliases	Uleëbalang, Oelebalang, Atjehse district chief, Atjehse territorial chief, hoeloebalang, hulubalang, Oeleobalang, territorial chief, oelèëbalangschap, oelèëbalangtjoet, territorial chief of Atjeh, oelèëbalangs, Uleebalang, uléebalang, the Atjehnese uléebalang, Oeloe Balang, Ulèbalang, Oelèëbalang, territorial chief of Aceh

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